No 4 (2024)

The article deals with the methodological issues of the comparative sociology of trust. In order to compare the level of trust in different countries a set of indicators is proposed (generalized trust; particularized trust; trust radius; institutional trust). The problems of measuring generalized and institutional trust in China and Russia are revealed. Based on World Values Survey data, a comparative analysis of trust levels in the Russian Federation and China is carried out. The authors also present data from their own empirical study of trust (telephone survey of the population in St. Petersburg and Leningradskaya Oblast; Internet study of trust, in-depth interviews of both residents of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China). To explain the processes of transformation of trust in the Russian Federation and China, a modernization approach is used and the role of a culture of trust is revealed. China has a high level of both generalized and institutionalized trust based on its own specific culture of trust. But the radius of trust is narrow and indicators of out-group trust are extremely low. In Russia, the level of generalized trust is low, but the level of institutional trust is average, radius of trust is wider and the level of out-group trust is higher. Particularized trust is approximately the same in China and Russia; at least, we have not identified any special “familistic culture of trust”.

The article is devoted to the reconstruction of the concept “conciliarity” (“sobornost”) and is motivated by its incorrect, in the author’s opinion, use in modern sociological literature. Having put forward the understanding of sobornost as a transcendent / socially loaded category as the main dilemma, the author gives an ambiguous solution to it. It is shown that the concept of sobornost, the appearance of which in Russian religious philosophy and, more broadly, Russian culture, is traditionally associated with the name of A. S. Khomyakov, is deeply rooted in the religious-mystical experience of the latter and requires careful handling. Sobornost, in its authentic understanding, is the divine grace that descended upon the meeting of believers and mystically transformed it. This concept belongs to the theological picture of the world; bringing it into sociological analysis is incorrect, and its use in socio-political discourse is unwholesome, since it sets false guidelines and values. At the same time, the vulgarization of the notion of “sobornost” present in many works can be explained not only by a superficial and / or tendentious reading, but also by the inherent deep ambivalence of this concept, the obvious gaps between its authentic content and latent mental constructs embedded in it and analytically revealed by a certain research perspective. “Sobornost” was born as a social, in its basic intuitions, category, and in its historical development it returns to these intuitions. The presence of a certain connection between the deeply mystical authentic content of “conciliarity” and its social projections, as well as its subsequent sociologically inevitable secularization, turns the concept under consideration into an extremely curious object of terminological analysis.

The article offers a reconstruction of contemporary sociological theory, which gives a central position to civilizational analysis. In the late 20th century, attempts to solve the agency-structure problem led to the formation of a new metatheoretical dilemma of “mutual constitution vs. analytical autonomy”, which overshadowed the traditional dilemma of individualism and holism. The constitutivist solution removed the agency/social structure dichotomy in the relational conception of power, while the autonomist solution mediated it by relying on the analytic conception of culture. The civilizational turn brings together these two lines of metatheoretical reconceptualization of sociological problematic, focusing on the relation of culture and power to each other. The model of the relationships between “dimensions” and “spheres” of social life developed within the sociological version of the civilizational approach combines the metatheoretical positions of analytical autonomy and mutual constitution.

The case study of the “adoption economy” examines the social factors that determine the decision-making of street-level bureaucrats. Research deals with small villages, whose residents adopted children in the 2000th in order to increase the number of pupils in the underutilized local schools and thus resisted their shutdown. The authors studied cases from five different regions in Russia, where at the time of the field study underutilized local schools were closed in three rural settlements, but in the other five settlements they were “saved” with the help of the “adoption economy”. The authors relied on M. Lipsky’s concept of “street-level bureaucrats” and A. Portes’ theory of social capital. Qualitative data were collected from 88 individual semi-structured interviews, an observation diary, documents, and photographic materials. The institutional context of “bureaucratic” discretion in determining what rural schools are subject to shut down is analyzed. The results of the study showed that the social capital of rural “street-level bureaucrats” (usually teachers of rural schools), due to their (un)inclusion in close interaction with local residents, to whom they provide services, becomes an important factor in (un)making a decision to retain a underutilized school in small rural settlement. In Portes’ theory perspective street-level bureaucrats are regarded as donors for rural community as they are forced by the territorial community to share economic resources – to continue financing a small-size school despite the obvious economic inexpediency.

The article analyzes the reproductive behavior lines, traced on the basis of pregnancy history, and proposes a classification of the reproductive cycle types. The article is based on both theoretical constructs of typologization and an assessment of the prevalence of various reproductive behavior lines obtained based on the data from a representative sociological study SeDOZH-2019. A pregnancy history study of 1005 participants shows a fairly high homogeneity of reproductive behavior lines; patterns of repetition of the same reproductive cycles types (more often corresponding to the natural course without the use of contraception and induced abortions) can be traced. An analysis of behavior after the birth of the last child was carried out and after the second child birth a statistically significant predominance of the strategy consisting of avoiding new pregnancies was shown. There is also a correlation between the preference for this strategy and the degree of satisfying of the need for children: if the need is fully satisfied, in most cases (more than 80%), a new pregnancy does not occur, which indicates the leading role of the value component in the regulation of reproductive behavior. A comparison of the behavior of various socio-demographic groups of respondents showed only slight differences: younger and more educated women more often choose strategies that include the use of contraception and avoidance of abortion. The results obtained were analyzed from the point of view of recommendations for designing demographic policy measures.

The article considers new trends of migration from the former Soviet Union to Latin American countries. The main channels of Russian-speaking migration are highlighted: marital, fertile, labour, digital nomadic migration, forced migrants. The statistical data of Latin American countries and the data of sociological survey of Russian-speaking migrants in Brazil and Argentina are analyzed. Estimates on the size of the Russian-speaking population in key Latin American countries are given. The role of Internet communications in the adaptation and consolidation of Russian-speaking migrants in the context of the idea of forming a “Russian-speaking social space” is highlighted. The article also describes the key barriers (administrative, cultural, linguistic) faced by migrants from the former Soviet Union in the process of integration into the host societies of Latin American countries.

The strategic intent of the current U.S. administration to win a geopolitical victory over Russia with the help of Ukraine’s nationalist elite is becoming a catastrophic reality, as the Russian Federation’s special military operation and a series of failed “offensives” by Ukraine’s armed forces evolve. Existential threat has forced the Russian state and civil society to mobilize in the shortest possible time armed forces, economy and military-industrial complex to repel the Western military proxy intervention. The scientific sociological information about the socio-political potential and reserves of the Russian society, its readiness, nature and degree of motivation for the defense of the Fatherland are of crucial importance for an effective management of the current disposition along Russia’s western borders. The Scientific-analytical and informational work is complicated by the fact that the picture of the hybrid socio-political reality of the country’s life is purposefully distorted by the enemy by means and channels of mass propaganda and communication in order to disinform the population and the armed forces. The empirical basis of the article is the data of sociological monitoring “How are you Russia?” about the current aspects of civil society life, based on the analysis of which conclusions are drawn about feasible resources and trends in the development of the socio-political situation in our country and the world. Sociological measurements in 2023, compared with data from previous years, allow us to conclude that Russian society has a high resource for socio-political stability and consolidation. Thus, an analysis of the structure of current anxiety showed that SVO did not have a critically destabilizing effect on the life of any group of Russian society. The share of those who believe that the political system needs to be radically changed decreased in 2023 to a minimum (16%) over the last 30 years of measurements. The overwhelming majority (73%) of Russians believe that the main threats to Russia come from abroad. The index of socio-political sustainability returned in 2023 to the zone of stable and sustainable development, reaching its highest value in 30 years of monitoring measurements. The noted positive trends show that Russia successfully continues the searching for a balance and symphony of interests in the modern hybrid social reality.

The place and role of values in scientific knowledge in general and in sociology in particular are discussed in the above paper. Values in the light of political sociology (political-ideological values) are compared with values themselves, which in the light of the sociology of knowledge appear as phenomenologically revealed initial givens. They form a core of the worldviews and worldview of each person as an individual. In the interpretation of values themselves, the author relies on his interpretation of the religious and philosophical axiology of M. Scheler. The author proves that, although all kinds of evaluativeness are subject to exclusion, “value neutrality” in social cognition is impossible in principle, therefore it is necessary to strive for its explication and articulation. The author questions the possibility of scientific-discursive knowledge of values, as well as respective attempts to study value consciousness empirically.

Utopian thought, the aspiration toward idealized conditions, and the progression toward advancement have historically constituted a cornerstone of the modernist ethos. Sociology, as an intellectual offspring of the modern epoch, has inherently engaged with utopian constructs – directing its gaze towards conceivable societal futures. In the current era where global challenges – such as climate change, social inequality, and populist political movements – present complex social problems, the relevance of utopian thinking in sociology is underscored as a tool for envisioning transformative solutions. Nonetheless, contemporary developments within the discipline signal a marked attenuation of utopian fervor. This paper scrutinizes the factors contributing to the diminished enthusiasm for utopian speculations within sociological theory. The decline is largely attributed to a shift towards postmodern paradigms, characterized by skepticism towards grand narratives and a pervasive mid-20th-century critique of utopianism. Despite this, the heuristic value of utopian thinking as a methodological instrument for social analysis remains substantial. The central thesis advocates for a resurgence of utopian thought within sociological inquiry, proposing that its restoration functions as a potent critical apparatus. Amid pressing societal crises, sociological engagement with utopian ideals is not merely an academic exercise but a practical imperative. It empowers the discipline to envision alternative social configurations, articulate social aspirations, and pragmatically approach their realization. Utopian thought can stimulate innovative policy-making, encourage societal engagement, and help construct resilient social systems in the face of adversity. Presently, Russian sociology, reflective of broader global sociological trends, does not proffer a societal ideal, hence it navigates without direction, merely mapping and interpreting the existing social landscape. This trajectory has practical implications, potentially limiting the discipline’s ability to be prescriptive and proactive. Confronted with this reality, Russian sociologists – and the discipline more broadly – are urged to rekindle the utopian imagination as a pivotal component of their intellectual endeavor. In doing so, they may foster a renewed sense of direction and purpose in the discipline of sociology, making it all the more pertinent in addressing the multifaceted complexities of today’s world.

According to Ronald Inglehart’s theory of modernization, values change following economic development. There are discussions about the transformation of the political values of the population in the Kazakh scientific community. A number of studies claim that values in Kazakhstan are moving from traditional to secular – rational. Both traditionalist and modernist values are intertwined in the mass consciousness. At the same time, it is difficult to talk about the dominance of certain political values, beliefs and attitudes. Based on the conducted sociological survey (N = 616) and a focus group discussion, the political values of Kazakhstani youth are analyzed. The role of politics in the value orientation of modern student youth is determined, the level of political activity is analyzed. The main reasons for the exclusion of young people from political participation have been established. The tendency of non-institutional political activity is revealed, confirming the theory of changing forms of political participation of modern youth.